Abolitionists in Northern Kentucky

The following article was published in the Encyclopedia of Northern Kentucky, 2009, University Press of Kentucky.

Abolitionists. The term abolitionists refers to those in the antebellum U.S. who wished to “abolish” slavery completely. In this way, abolitionists differed from other antislavery proponents such as “emancipationists,” who supported gradual emancipation of slaves with compensation to their owners, and colonizationists, who promoted sending freed slaves to Africa.

The religious base for early abolitionism came directly from Quakers such as Arnold Buffin, Elihu Embree, and Charles Osborne and was well established by 1830. The evangelical basis for national abolitionism began in 1833 with the founding of the American Antislavery Society by William Lloyd Garrison, Lewis and Arthur Tappan, and Thomas Weld among many others. Disagreements emerged among these abolitionists relating to the constitutional framework of the U.S. and how it pertained to slavery. Garrison and others argued that the U.S. Constitution favored slavery and must be overthrown through civil disobedience; James G. Birney and many others argued that political action by amending the U.S. Constitution would achieve the ends of eliminating slavery. Garrison was adamantly against political action believing it would diffuse the religious and moral foundation of the antislavery movement. The Liberty Party ran Birney as an antislavery candidate for president in 1840 and 1844 and Gerrit Smith in 1848, but by then the emerging Free Soil Party had absorbed most of the antislavery abolitionists. Those abolitionists favoring direct action against slavery encouraged boycotting southern goods and services, aiding runaway slaves through the Underground Railroad, and running antislavery candidates for state and national offices. The Tappan brothers were credited with much of the financing of the Underground Railroad and for helping to place its agents along the Ohio River. By the mid-1850s, the American Missionary Association had begun direct confrontation on the issue of slavery by placing colporteurs throughout the South, by bringing Bibles to slaves, and by distributing antislavery tract materials to slave owners and yeomen farmers.

Southern slaveholders retaliated against abolitionists by employing their political power in the U.S. Congress and by direct action to mount posses, pay for detectives, extend the patroller system, and increase the rewards for returning runaway slaves. Once the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act was passed, Ky. slave owners vigorously challenged Underground Railroad operators in federal courts, winning either large judgments or having large fines levied against these operators for the slave owner’s lost slave properties. In 1849, slaveholders in Ky. won a huge political battle, sending an overwhelming majority of delegates to the Kentucky Constitutional Convention and in the Ky. Legislature that rolled back whatever antislavery legislation and protection free blacks had achieved over the previous fifty years. The abolitionists in Ky. were defeated, demoralized, and in disarray. John G. Fee’s autobiography cites many cases where pro-slavery mobs targeted the remaining few white abolitionists in Ky. and drove many of them out of state.

To abolitionists in the North, by the 1850s moderate tactics had not worked; slave states had aggressively expanded slavery into Tex., Ark., Mo., and threatened to bring it to Kans. The 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had prohibited slavery north of longitude 36°30,’ thereby opening up all federal territories to the possibility of slavery. With the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, abolitionists could no longer trust that the U.S. Congress would rectify the matter of slavery. Likewise, they lost hope in the U.S. Supreme Court which, in the 1857 Dred Scott decision (Scott v. Sandford), declared the Missouri Compromise invalid, made any Congressional attempts to prohibit slavery in the territories unconstitutional, and regarded slaves as property protected by the U.S. . Constitution. With seemingly no recourse left to legislative or judicial action, the war of words erupted into armed aggression. John Brown’s antislavery raids in Kans. and his attack on the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Va. in October 1859, were the first large-scale overt abolitionist confrontations and helped to divide the nation’s opinion on slavery into opposing camps.

Passive support to aid runaway slaves now became active tactics, emboldening even more slaves to escape from the South. From 1836 to 1840, antislavery societies espousing political, economic, and direct action against the institution of slavery spread throughout Ohio and Ind. Slave losses from the river counties of Ky. and the state’s Bluegrass region mounted significantly during the late 1840s and 1850s. Each time a Ky. posse went into Mich., Ind., or Ohio to retrieve runaway slaves, angry abolitionists determined to wrest the evil from the nation met them. Furthermore, abolitionist “agitators” from these and other Northern states began reaching down into Ky. with greater frequency.

In his 2005 book, Bound for Canaan, Fergus Bordewich points to the 1852 death of Isaac Tatum Hooper in New York City, N.Y., as the end of the early period of the abolitionist movement, a period characterized as being one in which humble and religious friends of fugitives simply were aiding other human beings. In Northern Kentucky, one might mark the watershed of this change to 1847, when armed mobs rebuffed the slave catcher Francis Troutman and his Carroll Co., Ky. posse at Marshall, Mich.; or when the Reverend Benjamin Sebastian and George W. Brazier’s posse from Boone Co., Ky., was confronted at Cass Co., Mich., and summarily dispatched from the state. Further marking these changes were the dramatic incursions of Elijah Anderson and John Fairfield in Ky. into Boone Co. taking dozens of slaves out of this county.

Northern abolitionists who used aggressive strategies sometimes used military terms and tactics. They also sent spies and colporteurs into the South deliberately to confront slaveholders and they routinely accosted any “southern kidnappers” coming into northern antislavery states to capture runaway slaves. The new contemporary popular faces of the abolitionist movement included the talented black orator Frederick Douglass and the soon notorious John Brown.

The continuous uproar from antagonistic abolitionist tactics was not received well in Ky. Conservative antislavery leaders and even Cassius Clay disavowed both this period’s abolitionist leaders and their tactics. The few abolitionists remaining in Ky. were easily targeted for reprisal. John G. Fee and his tiny coterie living in Madison, Lewis, and Bracken counties during the 1850s were particularly vulnerable, because they acted openly and confronted deeply-held local prejudices. Even across the Ohio River in Ripley, Ohio, a number of leading citizens were opposed to the overt abolitionist actives of such locals as Rev. John Rankin and John Parker.

According to an overwhelming majority of Ky.’s citizens, the despised abolitionists were agitators from the North, people who interfered with Ky.’s states rights, who enticed and stole slaves from decent, law abiding citizens, and who broke national, state, and local laws. According to most newspapers in Ky., it was these abolitionists who confronted Ky. posses lawfully trying to retrieve “lost slave property” in Ind., Mich., and Ohio. It was also these zealot abolitionists who persisted in destroying the national unity of the Methodist Episcopal and the Presbyterian denominations by their activities. Moreover, it was these radical abolitionists who forced President Abraham Lincoln (1861–1865) to issue the Emancipation Proclamation in January 1863 and to accept Negro troops to fight for the Union. Kentuckians may not have been united on many issues during these difficult times, but they were, generally speaking, united in their abhorrence for the white abolitionists.

Ky.’s abolitionists who were white were easy to spot and few in numbers. On the other hand, Ky.’s abolitionists who were black were numerous and concentrated into the state’s large urban areas–Louisville, Lexington, Frankfort, Northern Kentucky, and across the river in Cincinnati, Ohio. They were also congregated in small separate rural slave churches and were spread out geographically as individuals still in bondage across the hundreds of plantations in the north central and Bluegrass regions of Ky. Although black preachers were suspected of abolitionist leanings, and isolated free blacks certainly were among the first to be accused of aiding fugitive slaves, few slave owners actually thought their own slaves might be abolitionists who were providing direct help to runaway slaves.

As their slave losses mounted, slave owners in Ky. took action against the abolitionists in their midst and also crossed the Ohio River. Bounties were set for people like John Carr, John Fairfield, the Reverend Charles Ide, and other white abolitionists active in the Underground Railroad.

Author Ann Hagedorn tells of several attacks on abolitionists in Brown Co., Ohio, led by Mason Co., Ky., slave owner Col. Edward Towers. In late fall 1844, his posse inflicted more than one hundred lashes of the whip on Harbor Hurley, a longtime free black at Sardinia, Ohio, attacked and killed Robert Miller, lynched a runaway slave, attacked Absalom King and several who were helping to defend him, and burned Miller and King’s homes. The Georgetown, Ohio, sheriff appeared unable to stop the marauding Kentuckians.

The most celebrated attacks by Ky. slave owners were associated with a secretive organization of slave owners established in Covington, Ky., in 1846, modeled after the Western Horsemen’s Association set up in the western U.S. to deal with horse thieves. A spy calling himself Carpenter was hired and sent to Mich. to find runaway slaves from Northern Kentucky. This spy came back with detailed reports that supplied names, places where slaves were hiding, and the names of plantations where they had been enslaved. Based on this information, in December 1846 young Lexington attorney Francis Townsend along with David Giltner, the son of a central Ky. slave holding family, William Franklin Ford, James S. Lee, and several other Kentuckians traveled to Marshall, Mich., to recapture the Adam Crosswhite family, slave runaways from the Giltner Plantation. The invaders from Ky., however, were turned away by an armed mob, arrested, and subsequently fined for having disturbed the peace.

George W. Brazier, a slave jobber, and Benjamin Stevens from Boone Co. in Ky. mounted a posse to recapture as many as fifty runaway slaves identified by a spy known as Carpenter who was sent to Cass Co., Mich. This posse too was met by armed men, arrested, fined and escorted out of the state.

Cassius M. Clay was a dramatic and significant figure in Ky.’s antislavery movement, not only for editing The Lexington True American, but also for his public speeches and frequent bouts with pro-slavery advocates in Ky. Although Clay was feted and applauded as an antislavery Southerner at Abolitionist Society meetings in New York City, he clearly favored gradual emancipation with monetary recompense to slave owners. Of all the colorful episodes in Clay’s experiences, none was more lasting than the 600 acres of land he assigned in Madison Co., Ky., to John G. Fee to start the northern emigrant community of Berea. This community, along with Camp Nelson in Jessamine Co., became the nexus for true abolitionist sentiment and actions in Ky.

Clay and Fee could not remain united in their thinking for long; Fee was disappointed by Clay’s political expediency, and Clay felt that Fee’s radicalism mixing feminism and anti-caste sentiments with antislavery beliefs actually damaged the antislavery case in Ky. The break between the two Ky.-born abolitionists was public and painful. Fee believed that Clay’s denunciation of him led directly to harassment and mob actions to evict the abolitionists from Madison Co. in 1859, however, it is more likely that Berea College with its Oberlin, Ohio, trained teachers as northern abolitionists, and because white and black men and women were being educated together at the college, was enough to create a pro-slavery furor in Berea, with or without Cassius M. Clay’s approval or disapproval. After all, Fee’s closest associates in Bracken and Lewis counties in Ky. were driven out by pro-slavery mobs about the same time, and Clay had nothing to do with those cases. Simultaneously, abolitionist societies, such as the American Missionary Association and particularly the Western Freedmen’s Aid Commission at Cincinnati, continued to provide immediate supplies and relief materials to former slaves. Additionally, clothing, building materials, and even garden tools and seeds were being sent to assist free blacks who had remained in the South.

Also active in these sorts of activities were sectarian agencies such as the Baptist Home Missionary Society, the Episcopal Missionary Society, and the Methodist Home Missionary Society. In July 1864, a convention at Indianapolis, Ind., cited the following agencies as cooperating to provide direct aid to freedmen–the Cleveland (Ohio) Freedmen’s Aid Commission, the Contraband Relief Commission at Cincinnati, the Friends’ Aid Committee of Richmond, Ind., the Indiana Freemen’s Aid Commission at Indianapolis, the North-Western Freedmen’s Aid Commission at Chicago, Ill., the Western Freedmen’s Aid Commission at Cincinnati, and the Western Sanitary Commission at St. Louis, Mo. Even following the Civil War, efforts were made to improve the lot of blacks remaining in the South as many of the Freedmen’s Bureau Schools became completely dependent on teachers recruited and paid by abolitionist groups, such as these.

 

 

Black Abolitionists of Northern Kentucky Active on the Ohio River

Place Name Date(s) Activities
Madison Elijah Anderson 1838–46 Conductor, Organizer (200 aided)
Lawrenceburg Elijah Anderson 1846–56 Conductor, Organizer (800 aided)
Madison George De Baptiste 1838–1845 Conductor, Organizer (180 aided)
Madison John Carter 1838–1860 Organizer, Conductor, and Recruiter
Madison Griffin Booth, George Evans, and John Lott 1830–1846 Conductors, safe houses
Milton, Ky. Peter Scott 1840–1850 Local agent, Organizer
Eagle Hollow, Ind. Reverend Chapman Harris 1845–1860 Conductor, Manager River Crossings
Hunters Bottom, Ky. Richard Daly 1845–1856 River Crossing to Eagle Hollow
  1. Hanover, Ind.
John R. Forcen,Simon Gray, and

Mason Thompson

1840–1860 Conductors
Coopers Bottom, Ky. Freeman Anderson 1850s Slave in place, river crossings to S. Hanover
Carrollton, Ky. Wheeling Gaunt and Samuel Lightfoot 1840s, 1850s Safe houses
Warsaw, Ky. John Brookngs and Lewis Hamilton, 1838–1861 Gallatin Co. grand jury
Rising Sun, Ind. Rabbit Hash, Ky. Samuel Barkshire, Joseph Edington, and William Thompson 1840–1850s Safe houses, Thompson a conductor from Clarksburg Ind.
Covington, Ky. John R. Bradley 1830–1860 Lane Seminary debates
Cincinnati, Ohio John Malvin 1830s Aided Susan Hall and 8 children
Cincinnati ,Ohio Henry Boyd 1820–1860 Safe House and organizer
Cincinnati, Ohio Framces Scroggins, Williams Watson, and John Woodson 1830–1840s Safe House and conductor
Cincinnati, Ohio John Mercer Langston and Major James Wilkerson 1830s-1840s Organizer, defender against mobs
Cincinnati, Ohio Rev. Allen E. Graham 1840s Union Baptist Church, Cincinnati, Ohio, columnist for the Palladium of Liberty
Cincinnati, Ohio Joseph Carter Corbin 1850–1860s Editor, The Colored Citizen, Cincinnati; graduate Ohio University, later president University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff
Felicity, Ohio Will Sleet 1840–1850s Leader of Free Black community aiding fugitive slaves
Red Oak, Ohio Harbor Hurley and George Williams 1844      1856 100 lashes given by Mason Co., Ky., posse in Ind. unprovoked; Williams jailed in Ky. penitentiary and died, forced confession
Ripley, Ohio Aunt Polly Jackson, Rhoda Jones, Uncle Billy Marshall, and John P. Parker 1840–1850s Maysville, Ky., Crossings to Ripley, Ohio
Bracken Co., Ky. Arnold Gragston and Julett Miles 1850s Conductor, Crossing to Ripley, Ohio; Julett a woman jailed at Frankfort, Ky., for trying to get her children to freedom visited by Fee.

 

White Abolitionists of Northern Kentucky Active along the Ohio River

Place Name Date(s) Activities
Eagle Hollow Charles Almond, John Carr, John and Samuel Ledgerwood, Charlie Lutz, Jared Ryker, John Taylor, and William Woolen 1839–1861 Organizer, conductor, safe houses
Carroll, Trimble, Gallatin, and Franklin William Phelps and George Whitehead American Antislavery Society agents from Wheeling, W.Va.
Carrollton, Ky. Alex Fuller and the William Lee family 1850s Organizer, conductor
Lamb, Ind. George C. Ash, Captain Hildreth, William and John Shaw, and Thomas Wright 1840s-1861 Ferrymen, safe houses
Vevay, Ind. Rev. James Duncan and Stephen Stevens 1824–1830 Founders of the Liberty Party in Ind.
Vevay Ind. Stephen Girard and John and Stephen H. Pavy 1830–1861 Organizer, safe house, conductors
Warsaw,  Sugar Creek ,Ky.,and Patriot, Ind. Alex and Duncan Fuller and Daniel and Johnathan Howe 1840s, 1850s River crossings and safe houses
Florence and Quercus Grove Indiana Rev. Alexander Sebastian 1840s-1861 River crossings and safe houses, antislavery churches
Switzerland and Dearborn counties Ind. Rev. Charles Ide and Orthaniel H. Reed 1840s Organizer, bounty set for his capture by slave owners
Aurora, Ind. Daniel Bartholomew, Dr. Myron Harding, John Hope, John Milburn, the Harding, Shockley, and Shattuck families, and William Wymandon 1835–1861 Station Master at Aurora, Ind., managed three major routes, safe houses
Manchester, Ind. John Angevin, John and Ralph Collier, Joseph Hall, Thomas and John Hansell, and Seth Platt 1835–1861 Safe houses, conductors
Guilford and Lawrenceburg, Ind. Henry Beecher, Rev. John Clarke, Martin C. Ewbank, Benjamin Metcalf, and Thomas Smith 1835–1850 Organizer, co-founder of Indiana Antislavery Society, safe houses, members of Dearborn Co. Antislavery Society
Covington, Ky. Thomas Carneal and Rev. Joseph Cabell Harrison 1850s Political activist, safe house
Newport, Ky. William Shreve Bailey 1839–1850s Newspaper editor
Cincinnati, Ohio Harriet Beecher, Salmon P. Chase, Levi and Catherine Coffin, Mark Campbell McMaken, Calvin Stowe, Zebulon Strong,, Theodore Weld, Samuel and Sally Wilson 1830–1850 Student, Author, Teacher, Activists, safe house, Free Store, political leader, railroad guide
Cincinnati, Ohio James G. Birney and Cassius M. Clay 1840s-1850s Newspaper editors
Cincinnati, Ohio John G. Fee, William Hamilton, Thomas Metcalfe, and the Ky. delegates April 1854 Antislavery convention focused on repeal of 1850 Fugitive Slave Act and repudiation of Kansas-Nebraska bill, Hamilton editor of the Patriot, Metcalfe former governor
Cincinnati, Ohio Rev. D. H. Allen, Rev. C. B. Boynton, Levi Coffin, Edward Harwood, Rev. C. Kingsley, J. F. Larkin, James B. Luplton, Rev. G. M. Maxwell, William P. Nixon, Rev. Adam Poe, Rev. R. H. Pollock, Richard B. Pullan, M. Sawyer, Hon. Bellamy Storer, Rev. H. M. Storrs, Dr. J. Taft, Rev. M. L. P. Thompson, Rev. John M. Walden, and Dr. J. P. Walker 1850–1860s Western Freedmen’s Aid Commission, relief materials—clothing, supplies, tools, school supplies, and teachers, industrial arts schools,
Pendleton Co., Ky. to Clermont Co., Ohio Rev. Silas Chase, Andrew Coombs, Arthur Fee, Oliver P. S. Fee, Robert Fee, Thomas Fee, Nelson Gibson, Dr. Mathew Givson, Joseph Parrish, and Andrew Powell 1840–1850s Felicity, Ohio, station master and conductors; Moscow, Ohio, safe houses and conductors
Bracken Co., Ky. James B. Cripps 1850s Delegate to Free Democratic convention in Pittsburgh, Pa., arrested for aiding fugitive slave falsely
Bracken Co., Covington, Mason Co., and Madison Co., Ky. John G. Fee, Mr. Fields, John D. Gregg and John Humlong at Bracken Co., Ky., Vincent Hamilton (John G. Fee’s father-in- law), Mr. Marsh in Madison and Garrard Co., Ky., Ham Rawlings, William Stapp, James Waters, and W. B. Wright 1840–1860 Organizer, antislavery churches and antislavery societies, major Ky. abolitionist and activist
Germantown, Ky.
  1. M. Mallett
1850s Teacher at school at Bethesda, Ky., driven out by pro-slavery forces
Augusta, Ky. Arthur Thome 1840–1850s Organizer, safe house
Sardinia, Ohio John B. Mahan 1840s Tricked by William Greathouse, tried in Ky. in Mason Co., jailed in Washington, Ky., organizer for Liberty Party and Philanthropist subscriptions, died of tuberculosis contracted in jail
Maysville, Ky.—Ripley Ohio Dr. Alfred Beasley, Dr. Alexander Campbell, Thomas Collins, Rev. James Gilliland, Archibald Leggett, Thomas McCaque, Dr. G. Norton, and Rev. John Rankin 1840s-1861 Organizer, safe houses, conductors, physicians
Washington, Ky. James A. Paxton 1830–1861 Safe house
Lewis Co., Ky. James S. Davis 1850s Cabin Creek, Ky., antislavery church.

 

Abolitionists from Other Regions and States

Active in Northern Kentucky

Place Name Date(s) Activities
Mason Co. Rev. Calvin Fairbanks and Delia Webster 1844 Escape of Lewis Hayden from Lexington, Ky; from Oberlin, Ohio, and Vt.
Boone Co., and other parts of Northern Kentucky John Fairfield Late 1840s Brought 28 out at one time, dare-devil exploits; from Va. and Mich.
Bracken Co. Edward James “Patrick” Doyle 1848 Aborted escape of 40 to 75 runaway slaves from Lexington, Ky., area; from Ireland, Bardstown and Danville, Ky.
Boone Co. Laura S. Haviland 1850s Disguised as free person of color, went into Boone Co., Ky., to get word to John White’s wife, from Adrian, Mich.
Trimble, Carroll, Gallatin, and Franklin counties William Phelps and George Whitefield 1840s Agents of American Antislavery Society, organizers establishing routes and safe houses, from Wheeling W.Va.
Bracken Co. Rev. Daniel Worth June 1853 Wesleyan minister from Ohio, active in AMA; joined John G. Fee in preaching in Bracken Co., Ky.
Lewis and Bracken Co. Rev. Edward Matthews 1850s Antislavery preacher from the Free Mission Baptists, preached with John G. Fee several times
Madison Co. Wiley Fisk 1850s Controversial preacher with AMA
Rockcastle Co.
  1. G. W. Parker
1853 Colporteur from AMA arrested falsely—charged with aiding fugitive slaves—to break up a protracted meeting of John G. Fee
Northern Kentucky William Haines and James West 1850s Colporteurs from AMA distributed antislavery literature and Bibles to slaves
Berea, Camp Nelson, Pulaski, Jackson, and Garrard counties John Burnham, George Candee, Dr. Chase of N.H., John G. Hanson, Roger Jones, Bros. Myers, Thomas E. Renfro, Bro. Richardson, John A. R. Rogers, Miss Tucker, and Otis B. Waters  1850–1860s Close allies, teachers, and companions of John G. Fee
Ohio River Valley Arnold Buffin andRev. Lewis Hicklin 1840 Buffin, president of American Antislavery Society and a Quaker, Hicklin a Methodist Protestant preacher and brother of Thomas Hicklin, a major Underground Railroad activist in Ind., both men associated with early organization of the routes from the Ohio River north to Levi Coffin and other Wayne Co., Ind., safe houses
Cabin Creek, Lewis Co. Francis Hawley 1852–1853 Antislavery Baptist minister came from Syracuse, N.Y., came to baptize John G. Fee and his wife in Cabin Creek, Ky. .

 

Bordewich, Fergus M. Bound for Canaan. New York: Amistad, 2005.

 

Coon, Diane Perrine. “Early African American Congregations of North Central Kentucky,” Afro-American Journal of History and Genealogy, Spring, 2005.

_________________ “Southeastern Indiana’s Underground Railroad Routes and Operations,” U.S. Park Service and Indiana DNR, 1999.

Drummond, Dwight Lowell. Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961.

Fee, John G. Autobiography of John G. Fee. Chicago: National Christian Association, 1891.

 

Griffler, Keith P. Front Line of Freedom, African Americans and the Forging of the Underground Railroad in the Ohio Valley. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2004.

Hagedorn, Ann. Beyond the River. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002.

Harrison, Lowell H. The Antislavery Movement in Kentucky. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1978.

Howard, Victor B. The Evangelical War against Slavery and Caste, the Life and Times of John G. Fee. Selinsgrove, Penn.: Susquehanna University Press, 1996.

Hudson, J. Blaine. Fugitive Slaves and the Underground Railroad in the Kentucky Borderland, Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Company, 2002.

Kentucky Educational Television, Underground Railroad Educational Resources. “Westward Expansion and the Development of Abolitionist Thought,” available at www.wcvn.org, accessed on September 19, 2006.

LaRoche, Cheryl Jenifer. “On the Edge of Freedom: Free Black Communities, Archaeology, and the Underground Railroad,” Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 2006.

Martin, Asa Earl. “Pioneer Antislavery Press,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 2 (March 1916): 510–528.

Rabb, Kate Milner, ed. A Tour Through Indiana in 1840, The Diary of John Parsons of Petersburg, Virginia. New York: Robert M. McBride & Company, 1920.

Ripley, C. Peter, ed. The Black Abolitionist Papers, III, IV and V. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1991.

Tallant, Harold D. Evil Necessity, Slavery and Political Culture in Antebellum Kentucky. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2003.

Turner, Wallace B. “Abolitionism in Kentucky,” RKHS, 69 (October 1971): 319–338.

 

Diane Perrine Coon

 

 

 

Anti-Slavery in Northern Kentucky

The following article was published as part of the Northern Kentucky Encyclopedia, 2009, University Press of Kentucky.

 

Antislavery. Antislavery movements in Ky. have been characterized by historians of slavery as Caucasian experiences, each new intellectual concept capturing attention, galvanizing sporadic actions, and then running out of steam. Biographies of Henry Clay, Cassius Marcellus Clay, John G. Fee, Robert J. and William Breckinridge, and even John Speed, champion the antislavery credentials of each of these prominent Kentuckians. Yet in spite of nearly continuous antislavery activity from 1830 to 1860 by some of Ky.’s leading social and political figures, slavery as an institution was stronger and more widely fixed in the state in 1860 than it was in 1830.

Several recent histories recall free people of color who provided aid to fugitive slaves, including Elijah Anderson, John P. Parker, George De Baptiste, Sheldon Morris and Washington Spradling. There are even a few slaves living in Ky. who have been identified as aiding other slaves during escapes–Arnold Gragston in Bracken Co., Richard Daly at Hunters Bottom, Uncle Simon and Ben Swain at Henderson, and Uncle Elias at Cattletsburg.

The only continuous antislavery activities from 1780 to 1860 in Ky. involved free people of color and slaves themselves. The black antislavery position required direct action–to purchase their freedom, escape to freedom, aid others escape to freedom, and to resist slavery in place. These actions alone did not overturn the institution of slavery, but they gave hundreds of slaves a free life and helped to injure slave owners economically. Neither the white antislavery pamphlets and conventions nor the pinpricks of black activism, however, were successful in removing slavery from Ky’s. soil. That required a bloody Civil War, the defeat of the Confederacy, and passage of the Thirteenth amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

When the Reverend David Rice stormed out of the 1792 State Constitutional Convention at Danville, Ky., the first antislavery movement in ky. involving whites had already reached its political zenith. Rice was among the early white Presbyterian, Baptist, and Methodist preachers and elders attempting to keep a perpetual slavery system out of Ky. For the early settlement in Ky., there were two models, that of the Northwest Territory just to its north across the Ohio River that was established free of slavery in 1786, and the Va. model that institutionalized slavery for people of African descent.

Passage of Article IX in the 1792 Ky. Constitution, over the objections of sixteen white preachers and lay leaders, permitted slave owners to bring their slaves into Ky. and gave local jurisdictions authority to regulate slavery. Rev. John Rankin’s short Memoir of Samuel Donnell shows some of the efforts to defeat Article IX’s passage in the activities, during the 1790s, of leaders of the Concord Presbyterian Church, located in Bourbon (later Harrison) Co

During the first three decades of the nineteenth century, the Va. planter system that had been brought to Ky. by the children of the Va. gentry solidified through landholdings and political power. And the number of slaves imported into Ky. rose from 40,843 in 1800 to 126,742 in 1820. In those twenty years, the slave system won out in the Commonwealth of Ky. through overt political power of the landed gentry and failure of the yeomen farmers to perceive that slavery was detrimental to their own welfare. The state’s planter class took control as magistrates, as judges, as elected legislators, senators, and governors, and large sections of middle Ky. became Whig in its political leanings, Henry Clay territory. Most significantly, property rights, i.e. land and slaves, became defined like a religious dogma standing above justice, mercy, and equality under God.

Yet in those same twenty years, the Second Great Awakening in religion sent evangelistic tremors through and around mainstream Protestant denominations in Ky. Religiosity spread chiefly through the yeoman classes into Ky. It originated with the Separate and Freewill Baptists denominations that sprang from George Whitfield and Stubal Stearns, with the Pentecostal experience of Presbyterians, Methodists, and Reformed Baptists at Cane Run in Ky. in 1801 and subsequent tent revivals, and from the peeling away from Presbyterians by Associate Reformed, Cumberland and Rankinites, from Methodists by Methodist Protestants, and later the Wesleyans. And in all this turmoil, many Kentuckians found slavery incompatible with their new heightened sense of divine purpose, deciding that slavery was evil and was bringing harm to the new nation. The contemporary question, therefore, was what to do about the problem?

Between 1800 and 1827, a number of second generation Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Reformed preachers advocated moral persuasion to convince slaveholders to free their slaves in their wills and leave sufficient land or financial resources so the slaves could make a living in Ky. or go to the North. A few of these ministers advocated educating slaves for future freedom, baptizing slaves, and identifying trustworthy slaves that could act as elders and deacons for separate black congregations.

For the Baptists, between 1803 and 1806, the issue came to a head at Mt. Sterling, Ky., in the person of David Barrow, a minister in the Separate Baptist tradition who served the Mt. Sterling, Goshen, and Lulbegrud churches. Through political pressure from the Regular Baptists of the Elkhorn Baptist Association and their fledgling Bracken Baptist Association, David Barrow was expelled from the North District Baptist Association in 1806 for advocating the gradual emancipation of slaves and eventual abolition of slavery itself.

Barrow not only preached continuously against slavery, but he published British Baptist Thomas Clarkson’s Essay on Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, a 1785 treatise that greatly influenced U.S. abolitionists. Barrow himself wrote Involuntary, Unmerited, Perpetual, Absolute, Hereditary Slavery Examined on the Principles of Nature, Reason, Justice, Policy and Scripture that was printed in 1808 by John Bradford at Lexington, Ky. That same year, Barrow joined Carter Tarrant and founded the Baptized Licking-Locust Association, Friends of Humanity, also known as the Emancipation Baptists. The Baptized Licking-Locust Association, Friends of Humanity, included the Licking Locust, Gilgal, and Bracken Baptist churches from the Bracken Baptist Association, and Lawrence Creek Baptist Church from Mason Co.

Because of religious convictions, some slave owners in Ky. would decide to manumit their slaves. However, because in Ky. the average number of slaves held were generally not large these separate individual actions by white slaveholders did not significantly reduce the numbers of slaves held statewide. In the entire period from 1799 to 1868 in Bracken Co. in Northern Kentucky, for example, slaveholders filed only 156 emancipation records in the courthouse, 14 of them in 1834–1836 by Arthur Thome of Augusta. In Owen Co. in 1847, Susan Herndon Rogers freed ten slaves, the Locust family, and gave them 403 acres known as Free Station, or Mountain Island. Her brother James Herndon executed a bond in 1853 for $21,000 in order to have his twenty-two slaves manumitted. The Vinegar, Smith and Carroll families divided 125 acres at Mountain Island (Theodore Vinegar). By 1827, the Emancipation movement in Ky. that had been spurred on by the Great Awakening ran out of steam as the movement’s leaders died or moved away, the impact of moral persuasion proved anemic.

It was Kentuckian Henry Clay, long an advocate of gradual emancipation, who in 1817 stimulated the founding of the national American Colonization Society, an idea originally floated in 1800 by Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe. It was not until 1823, that the first of the local colonization societies were created in Ky. Even though there were few free people of color in Ky. in those early years, white slaveholders continuously tried to get them to leave the state, fearing these freedmen would inspire blacks in bondage in Ky. to seek freedom. Colonization was fundamentally an answer to the reality that if slavery were ended, the South would have hundreds of thousands of freed slaves, a nightmare scenario to whites who dominated and controlled the slave system. Colonization as an antislavery concept built on the underlying racism and fear by the white power structure.

Many historians described the reaction of slaveholders to Nat Turner Rebellion in Va. in 1831 as a near hysteria that swept through the entire South producing far more stringent controls on slaves and heightening fears that free blacks might become agitators. In step with these times, contemporary newspapers in Ky., including ones in Northern Kentucky, regularly published sensationalized accounts of all slave revolts in the U.S. and in the Carribbean.

Colonization, then, had more to do with white fear of freed blacks, than it did with ending slavery. Through Clay’s legislative skills and support from many of the Southern delegations, the federal government was persuaded to purchase land in Africa. Ky.’s Colonization leaders—Henry Clay, Robert J. Breckinridge, William L. Breckinridge, John C. Underwood, some Old School Presbyterian congregations, and some Methodist Episcopal Church’s congregations—embraced the colonization concepts, because it would rid Ky. of the perceived twin evils, perpetual slavery and the fact that the nation had 250,000 freed blacks. By sending all blacks back to Africa, Ky. and the nation would thus be able to eliminate its race problem. Moreover, by supporting gradual emancipation, Ky. slaveholders would continue to benefit from their slaves economically until properly compensated for their “loss of property.” The only problem with the often-debated scenarios of the colonization movement was that the free people of color living in Ky. did not want to go to Africa. In the thirty years of activity, Ky. sent only 658 freed blacks to Africa, and some of them returned. Maysville had an active colonization society which, in May 1827, met at the Presbyterian Meeting House and elected the following officers:, Adam Beatty, John Chambers, Rev. John T. Edgar, William Huston Jr., Andrew M. January and as Managers: Johnston Armstrong, Lewis Collins, Peter Grant, James Morris, Captain Thomas Nicholson, Isaac Outten, Major Valentine Peers, James M. Runyon, Francis Taylor, and Rev. Walter Warder.

Many, if not most, of the early antislavery people left Ky. as soon as the land title offices opened in Ind. and Ill. They found themselves neighbors to fiercely antislavery farmers from Me., N.H., Vt., and upstate N.Y., and among these antislavery peoples in Ind. and Ill. early runaway slaves found people willing to give them food, rough shelter, and direction where another safe place might be found. By mid-1824, several friendly communities aiding runaway slaves dotted the shoreline across from Ky. on the north side of the Ohio River–Vevay and Pleasant Township in Switzerland Co., Ind.; the Free Will Baptists, Methodist Protestants, and Universalists of Aurora and Dearborn Co., Ind.; and the Seceder and Associate Reformed Presbyterians of South Hanover and Carmel and Rykers Ridge outside Madison, Ind. In Ohio, major assisting communities for runaway slaves were forming in Clermont and Brown counties.

As people migrated from N.C. and eastern Tenn. into and through Ky., information about the Quaker and Separate Baptist- inspired manumission societies filtered into the Commonwealth of Ky. A total of eighty-nine manumission societies had been established before 1830 along the Va. and Carolina tidewater cities and in Tenn. There were fifty manumission societies in N.C., and twenty-five societies, totaling 1,000 members, were formed in eastern Tenn., particularly in the area around Jonesboro. Quaker abolitionists transported hundreds of former slaves, purchased intact by family or manumitted by slave owners under the proviso that these freedmen would be taken out of the South. Soon free black agricultural communities emerged all along the southern regions of Ohio, Ind. and Ill. Each of these communities became a haven for runaway slaves.

Runaways found shelter among Ky.’s Free Blacks that had been brought, sent or who migrated naturally into the Northwest Territory. In 1821, E.S. Abdy, a British scholar, found runaway slaves hiding among formerly enslaved Kentuckians at Graysville, near Hanover, Ind. These transplanted Kentuckians, black and white, often guided by evangelistic religious denominations, were natural adherents of antislavery societies of the late 1830s, were often activists in the emerging Underground Railroad, and were promoters of antislavery political parties.

In the river counties north of the Ohio River, Universalists and Free Will Baptists, Seceder and Associate Reformed Presbyterians—all denominations that promoted true equality and slavery as the root of evil in the American political system—had only a modest influence as religious denominations on both sides of the Ohio River, but they clearly had a major impact on those individuals choosing to aid fugitive slaves.

Prior to 1838, when local and statewide antislavery societies were formed in Ind. and Ohio, aid to fugitive slaves was handled informally by small cells of antislavery black and white families that had relatives or trusted friends further north. Even with regular meetings and attempts to create secure routes to handle increasing numbers of runaway slaves, the so-called Underground Railroad was never very organized and continued to rely on experienced free black conductors such as Elijah Anderson and John P. Parker to bring large numbers of runaway slaves out of Ky. to freedom.

Cheryl LaRoche’s recent work comparing and contrasting free black agricultural communities in southern Ill., Ind., and Ohio concluded that harboring and aiding runaway slaves was a natural activity, an extension of their own experiences as former slaves and now freedmen. She also points out the significance of Bishop William Paul Quinn’s evangelism on behalf of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the founding of aggressive antislavery churches, and Prince Hall Masonic orders as being significant components in establishing successful Underground Railroad routes. On Ky. soil, the AME congregations–Quinn Chapel in Louisville, St. James in Lexington, St. John in Frankfort, Bethel at Shelbyville, Ky., and Mill Creek in Cincinnati, Ohio–were all associated with black abolitionist and Underground Railroad activities.

Alarmed by the large free black community at Cincinnati and the economic loss of slaves along the Ohio River, Northern Kentucky newspapers provided a steady drumbeat over the 1840s and 1850s portraying abolitionists and free people of color with extreme pro-slavery prejudice. The 1829 and 1841 race riots at Cincinnati were portrayed as proof that blacks could not make good citizens while ignoring that Ky. invaders and white troublemakers had brought about this violence, even to the point of employing cannons in use against the black community of Cincinnati. The 1831 Lane Seminary debates in Cincinnati by Theodore Weld, James Bradley, and others were not covered as being challenges to slavery as an institution but rather as examples of unruly and disruptive elements among the seminary’s students. To Ky. newspapers, the 1836 mob violence against James Birney’s antislavery newspaper press in Cincinnati was not an infringement of U.S. Constitutional rights, but rather showed that even in Ohio, the vast majority of citizens objected to formation of the Philanthopist, an avowed antislavery newspaper. Underground Railroad agents, John G. Fee’s congregations in Ky. in Bracken, Madison and Lewis counties, Berea College in Ky., the Liberty Party, and the Indiana and Ohio Antislavery Societies all, in turn, were portrayed by these newspapers as irresponsible agitation by outsiders interfering in Ky.’s affairs. Were the newspapers representing prevailing sentiment among Ky.’s citizens or goading latent prejudices into action? The arguments cut both ways among recent historians.

In the debates leading up to the 1849 Ky. Constitutional Convention, 475 supporters of constitutional emancipation met in 1848 at Maysville in Mason Co. However, the antislavery resolution they drafted at this meeting was in reality a principal plank of the colonizationists–a plan for gradual emancipation and immediate colonization rather than the outright repeal the early Emancipationists desired.

During the 1850s, abolitionists in Ind. and Ohio, concluded it was time to press hard for an end to slavery in the U.S. The “Slave Power” of southern states had broken the Missouri Compromise and was in the process of extending slavery beyond the Mississippi River; no southern state seemed likely to abandon institutional slavery on its own. a point driven home further when the institution of slavery was reaffirmed by Ky.’s new State Constitution in 1850.

Immediatists in Ind. and Ohio split, however, on the means. Boycotting southern products, actively supporting the Underground Railroad, political action through the Liberty and Free Soil Parties, and creating communities sympathetic to northern views on slavery—such as John G. Fee had done at Berea, Ky.–in the midst of southerners were some of the concepts followed. On the national level, Abolitionist William Garrison disapproved of any action other than moral persuasion. John G. Fee’s Berea plan was attractive to the Garrisonites. However, many northern abolitionists believed that only through political action would slavery ever be overturned. James G. Birney turned from gradualism to outright abolition in what he advocated as a leader of the Liberty Party. Salmon P. Chase of Ohio and many of the Ind. leaders pushed the Free Soil Party’s agenda to prevent further encroachment of slavery in the western territories. Infuriated by passage of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, these abolitionists helped to influence the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for U.S. President by the new Republican Party in 1860.

Direct political action to overturn slavery took many forms. Levi Coffin championed a boycott system by northerners and antislavery people refusing to buy Southern products made from slave labor. His store in Cincinnati sold goods made by free labor, and eliminated cotton products among many others agricultural products tied to the economy of the South. The American Missionary Society tried to distribute thousands of Bibles and antislavery tracts through the South through colporteurs, religious men, and women who traveled with suitcases and satchels full of what pro-slavery forces in the South termed “incendiary literature.” John G. Fee was very much associated with colporteurs in Central Kentucky.

Eli Thayer and John C. Underwood are credited with pushing the American Missionary Society’s activity beyond colporteurs to promote and finance the concept of “northern emigrant communities.” This direct action placed Northern abolitionist Christians living in the middle South and in the disputed western territories to model wage egalitarian societies so slaveowners could be shown how freedmen might act if they were educated and treated as citizens. The emigrant community established Kansas in the 1850s, so much associated with John Brown and the Missouri raids, was the first attempt to test these ideas. The emigrant community established at Ceredo, W.Va., near Ashland, Ky., was a far more successful venture focusing on mining and milling as a profit center. But in Ky., the most famous and controvesial of these abolitionist efforts was the failed community John G. Fee tried to establish in 1859 at Berea that also included a co-educational, integrated college. Located in Berea on lands granted by Cassius M. Clay, both the planned abolitionist colony and the college were immediately targeted by pro-slavery forces angered by John Brown’s October 1859 violent raid on Harpers Ferry, Va., and Fee and his colleagues were forced to flee across the Ohio River.

Typical of the reaction in Ky. to the expulsion of Fee and his associates was a resolution on January 21, 1860, at a meeting at Orangeburg in Mason Co., declaring: “No Abolitionist has the right to establish himself in the slaveholding community and disseminate opinions and principles destructive of the tranquility and safety.” Northerners, therefore, should look to their own salvation and leave Kentuckians alone.

Antebellum newspapers in Northern Kentucky aligned with either the Whig or the Democratic parties and treated news about runaway slaves, slave uprisings and Underground Railroad activities as crime stories. They also reported legislative acts of U.S. Congress concerning slavery, foreign news about the African slave trade, and announced local meetings of abolition, pro-slavery or colonization society meetings. In the 1840s and 1850s, Democratic newspapers took a decidedly anti-black position, running alarmist news stories about the Patrick Doyle slave revolt, Margaret Garner’s trial in Cincinnati for murdering her child , the Henderson slave revolt, runaway slave recaptures, and wherever possible, examples of escaped slaves who returned to their masters voluntarily. The villains in these articles were always Northern agitator abolitionists. Free blacks were characterized as buffoons, criminals, or puffed up by self-importance and by “trying to imitate their betters.”

In 1835, James Gillespie Birney, a slave owner who emancipated his slaves that year, and forty others founded the Ky. chapter of the American Antislavery Society and announced plans for a newspaper, the Philanthropist, to be printed at Danville, Ky., along with a postal campaign to send one million pieces of antislavery literature throughout the South. Danville literally ran James G. Birney and his antislavery publication out of town. Ironically, Birney’s father had supported Rev. David Rice, a Presbyterian minister, in attempting to keep slavery out of Ky. at the state’s 1792 constitutional convention.

Undaunted, Birney published the first issue of the Philanthropist on January 1, 1836, at New Richmond, Ohio, opposite Campbell Co., Ky., He subsequently moved the paper to Cincinnati where an angry mob destroyed the press on July 30, 1836. Birney continued publication of a paper with widespread support among antislavery people in the Northwest states. Editorially, the Philanthopist broke with William Lloyd Garrison’s emphasis on moral persuasion and actively encouraged political action. Birney founded the Liberty Party and ran for president in 1840 and again in 1844. Most of the leading antislavery people in the nation contributed articles to the Philanthropist.

Northern Kentucky made its own contribution to the establishment and printing of an antislavery newspaper through William Shreve Bailey’s The Newport News beginning in 1839 at Newport, Ky., in Campbell Co. Editorially, Bailey was a one-man show, championing the economic interests of working class people and claiming that slavery diminished their chances to earn decent wages. He was not at all interested in religious motivations to end slavery. As a result, abolitionists such as John G. Fee prevented the American Missionary Society from sending funds to Bailey after his newspaper press was burned out by arson. Bailey later traveled to New England and England seeking funds to restart his presses .

Some of the national antislavery newspapers found a few subscribers in Ky., especially in the cities; however most of their influence was through the antislavery societies in Ohio and Ind. The truth was that the Ky. educational system was so poor in quality that few yeomen could read or write. Ironically, it was the landed gentry, the slaveholders that educated their children.

Despite the fact that Abraham Lincoln’s had been born in Ky., his candidacy for president in 1860, seen as being antislavery and anti-southern by his critics, was immensely unpopular in Northern Kentucky. All three of the other candidates out polled the Republican Lincoln in Ky. . The old line Whig constituencies tended to favor John Bell, the Constitutional Unionist from Tenn., while the Democratic vote split in Ky. with native-son John C. Breckinridge, the Southern Democrat, picking up the old Andrew Jacksonites and Stephen Douglas of Ill., the Northern Democrat, the national Democratic vote. Only in the urban communities of Covington and Newport did Lincoln poll respectable numbers in Northern Kentucky in the 1860 election. Just across the Ohio River, both Ohio and Ind. gave major support to the election of Abraham Lincoln and the new Republican Party ticket.

Northern Kentucky’s Antislavery Vote in 1860

 

County

 

Potential

Vote

1860

Republican

  1. Lincoln
1860

Constitutional Union

John Bell

1860

Independent Democrat (South)

  1. Breckinridge
1860

Democrat

(North)

  1. Douglas
 

Percent Voting

Boone 2,409 1 881 228 739 77.2%
Bracken 2,358 4 881 246 644 75.3%
Campbell 5,125 314 854 960 520 51.7%
Carroll 1,352 0 436 76 572 79.7%
Gallatin 1,018 0 383 34 420 82.2%
Grant 1,742 0 677 112 709 86.0%
Kenton 6,170 267 1327 1312 670 57.6%
Mason 3,468 26 1305 247 799 58.5%
Owen 2,468 0 539 43 1760 94.9%
Pendleton 2,252 2 758 231 807 79.8%
Robertson NA NA NA NA NA NA

Source: Shannon and McQuown, Presidential Politics in Kentucky 1824—1948.

Four years later in 1864, with Ky. under military occupation, with rumors afloat that the Union Army was proposing enlisting black slaves and freedmen, and with many Kentuckians serving in Confederate Army units, the total vote in the state was suppressed significantly. Differences within the region were exaggerated in the 1864 election. Although McClelland won Ky. by a margin of two to one, Lincoln actually won in Kenton and in Campbell counties, albeit with a suspicious and remarkable 107% of eligible voters. By 1864, the overwhelming issues centered on the individual voter’s position in regard to supporting the Union or Confederacy as well as resentment toward Ky.’s continued treatment as a hostile region under military rule. A vote in Ky. for or against Abraham Lincoln now centered more on current political issues and the importance of the antislavery movement in Ky. had been eclipsed in the wake.

Northern Kentucky’s Presidential Vote in 1864

 

County

 

Potential

Vote

1864

Union

A/ Lincoln

1864

Democrat

General McClellan

 

Percent Voting

Boone 2,385 200 1063 53.0%
Bracken 2,506 268 922 47.5%
Campbell 2,597 1504 1286 107.4%
Carroll 1,408 82 324 28.8%
Gallatin 994 109 391 50.3%
Grant 2,022 220 373 29.3%
Kenton 6,990 1716 1375 44.2%
Mason 3,412 368 1197 45.9%
Owen 2,648 0 0 0
Pendleton 2,492 629 688 52.8%
Robertson NA NA NA NA
Soldiers Vote* 1194 2823

                   Note: Robertson not formed yet and Soldier’s Vote was statewide tally

REPOSITION THIS TABLE.

Bryant, James C. Mountain Island in Owen County, Kentucky, The Settlers and Their Churches. Owenton, Ky.: Owen County Historical Society, 1986.

Drummond, Dwight Lowell. Antislavery: The Crusade for Freedom in America. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961.

Harrison, Lowell H. The Antislavery Movement in Kentucky. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1978.

 

Howard, Victor B. The Evangelical War against Slavery and Caste, the Life and Times of John G. Fee, Selinsgrove, Penn.: Susquehanna University Press, 1996.

LaRoche, Cheryl Jenifer. “On the Edge of Freedom: Free Black Communities, Archaeology, and the Underground Railroad,” Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 2006.

Martin, Asa Earl. “Pioneer Antislavery Press,” Missouri Valley Historical Review, 2 (March 1916): 510–528.

Nowlin, William Dudley, Kentucky Baptist History 1790–1922. Louisville: Baptist Book Concern, 1922.

Ripley, C. Peter. ed. The Black Abolitionist Papers, III, IV and V. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1991.

Shannon Jasper B., and Ruth McQuown. Presidential Politics in Kentucky 1824–1948. Lexington: Bureau of Government Research, College of Arts and Sciences, University of Kentucky, 1930.

Sparks, Elder John. The Roots of Appalachian Christianity, Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2001.

Spencer, J.H. History of Kentucky Baptists from 1769 to 1865. Lafayette, Tenn.: Church History Research & Archives, 1976

Tallant, Harold D. Evil Necessity, Slavery and Political Culture in Antebellum Kentucky. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2003.

Turner, Wallace B. “Abolitionism in Kentucky,” RKHS, 69 (October 1971): 319–338.

 

Diane Perrine Coon